2008/01/29
BEIRUT/BERLIN/GAZA
(Own report) - German government
advisors are
considering the German naval deployment along the coast of the Gaza
Strip. German naval "experience acquired off the coast of Lebanon (...)
could serve possibly as a precedent for similar maritime missions,"
according to a recent publication by the German Council on Foreign
Relations (DGAP), for example off the coast of the Palestinian
Autonomous Territory. This remark coming out of Berlin shows that the
Lebanon deployment was intended to pave the way for a more extensive
military presence in the Near East. German repressive authorities
already have police units engaged in the Palestinian Autonomous
Territories. The German government's effort to enhance its influence
through the deployment of police or military is pursuing the
intermediary goal of deploying pro-western forces in the vicinity of
Israel. According to the DGAP, Berlin should be careful not to directly
serve Tel Aviv's interests - otherwise this will endanger its success
in Arab countries. This suggests a strategy for attaining a "mediating"
role between Israel and the Arab world to secure - strategically - an
independent German position of power in the Near East.
Positively Influenced
DGAP considers that the German
led, UN mandated naval
deployment along the Lebanese coast (UNIFIL-II Maritime Task Force) is
a clear success. The official reason given for the UNIFIL mission is
the prevention of alleged arms smuggling in the Eastern Mediterranean.
To date, UNIFIL II warships have not captured a single vessel
transporting illegal arms. Nevertheless, it succeeded in "positively
influencing an otherwise skeptical Lebanese public perception of
European engagement in the Middle East," writes the DGAP.[1] At the
beginning there were difficulties because the local population
suspected that the western maritime presence was "to serve Israeli
interests." But UNIFIL II ultimately succeeded in ending the Israeli
embargo of Lebanese harbors. This, according to DGAP, clearly increased
Lebanese sympathy for Germany and Europe.
Failure
UNIFIL succeeded where an earlier
EU police
deployment in the Near East had failed: the EU Border Assistance
Mission at the Rafah Crossing Point (EUBAM-Rafah) between the Gaza
Strip and Egypt. Since November 30, 2005, EU police detachments, with
German participation, had been monitoring Palestinian border controls.
The deployment's objective was to prepare Palestinian personnel to
permanently take over the border controls. But already then, the EU
police force was merely assisting in the hateful closing of the border
effected by Israel, by "providing a quasi legal allure" as observers
criticize.[2] When, in June 2007, Hamas took power in the Gaza Strip
"EUBAM Rafah" withdrew completely. Meanwhile, the EU deployment has
been formally extended to Mai 24, 2008 and discussions have been
initiated about renewed Palestinian border controls under EU police
monitoring. But, as the DGAP writes: "unable to keep the Rafah crossing
open, the EU monitors essentially implemented Israel's closure
policy,"[3] therefore the whole mission must actually be considered a
failure.
Border Controls
"UNIFIL II" and "EUBAM Rafah"
highlight the EU and
German intention to establish their independent police and military
presence in the Near East. The efforts to take on the appearance of a
neutral mediator between Israel and Arab countries are being
accompanied by efforts to strengthen those forces willing to cooperate
extensively with the West, as UNIFIL and German (affiliated)
initiatives show. The UN and the West are sealing Lebanon off from
Syria, while massively pressuring Beirut to limit its relations with
Damascus and enhance them with the EU and the USA.[4] Since December
2006, troops of the Lebanese Navy are being trained and armed in the
framework of UNIFIL, to control all movement at sea. Germany is
contributing with its own bilateral initiatives [5]: "In the framework
of bilateral development cooperation, Germany is also rebuilding the
costal radar system of the Lebanese Navy," DGAP reports. "In a pilot
project along the northern border with Syria, Lebanese soldiers and
officers of the police, customs and border guards are being initiated
and trained in integrated border management."[6] The traffic of goods
and persons between Syria and Lebanon is therefore subjected to heavy
controls, weakening pro-Syrian forces in Beirut.
Ready for Cooperation
Berlin and Brussels have started
similar initiatives
in the Palestinian Autonomous Territories, where EU police have already
been active since January 1, 2006 within the framework of "EUPOL COPPS"
("EU Police Mission - Coordinating Office for Palestinian Police
Support"). Germany is also participating in this deployment, which was
prolonged last December. The mission is to implement the development
plan for the Palestinian police and to instruct the leading personnel
of the police in the Autonomous Territories. By supplying equipment,
such as the recent supply of radio equipment to the police in Nablus,
Berlin is also contributing to the establishment of the Palestinian
repressive apparatus. The supply of police vehicles is to follow.
"EUPOL COPPS" is seen favorably by the German government: also in this
case, assistance is directed toward those sectors of the Palestinian
population that are willing to cooperate. They are being equipped to
suppress anti-western sectors. Last but not least due to EU support,
the Palestinian authorities have "succeeded in convincing members of
the Al-Aksa Brigades, wanted by Israel, to give up their weapons,"
summed up the German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, recently
at the Bertelsmann Foundation [7] - this is a good example of Berlin's
approach.
Independent
The DGAP is now proposing that
Germany extend its
military presence in the Near East. As the "leading country" in the
UNIFIL II Maritime Task Force "Germany is now in an advantageous
position to influence future maritime operations" - either under the
banner of the UN or of some other multi-national organization.[8] The
experiences acquired along the Lebanese coast "could possibly serve as
a precedent for a similar maritime mission in other related regional
scenarios, such as along the coast of the Gaza Strip," write German
government advisors. Such possibilities should be "seriously explored
and advanced", regardless of expected Israeli resistance.[9] With the
build-up of a German police and military presence in the vicinity of
Israel, Berlin is strengthening western positions. By conspicuously
adopting a mediating role between Tel Aviv and Arab forces, Germany is
at the same time laying the basis for enhancing its positions in the
Near East - also in sharpening its profile in contrast to Israel and
the USA.
[1] Germany's Contribution to
Lebanese Sovereignty.
The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project;
DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
[2] Claudia Haydt: Polizeisoldaten. Out of Area - and back again; IMI-Magazin Ausdruck Februar 2007
[3] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
[4] see also Der Ermittler, Druck auf Syrien and The road to Damascus
[5] see also Zur Zusammenarbeit bringen
[6] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
[7] Rede von Bundesaußenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier zur Eröffnung der 11. Kronberger Gespräche, 17. Januar 2008, Kronberg
[8], [9] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
*****************
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[2] Claudia Haydt: Polizeisoldaten. Out of Area - and back again; IMI-Magazin Ausdruck Februar 2007
[3] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
[4] see also Der Ermittler, Druck auf Syrien and The road to Damascus
[5] see also Zur Zusammenarbeit bringen
[6] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
[7] Rede von Bundesaußenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier zur Eröffnung der 11. Kronberger Gespräche, 17. Januar 2008, Kronberg
[8], [9] Germany's Contribution to Lebanese Sovereignty. The Maritime Task Force, Coastal Radar System and Border Pilot Project; DGAPstandpunkt Nr. 1, Januar 2008
*****************
Don't Expel Jews From Gaza!
Woe to Ariel! (Jerusalem to Suffer EU Occupation)
Europe to Take Out Iran For Jerusalem
Will The Atlantic Times Address the German Threat?
